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Home / The Economic and Environmental Arguments for and Agains Rapid Urbanizatio in the Developing Worlg

The Economic and Environmental Arguments for and Agains Rapid Urbanizatio in the Developing Worlg

Enquiry on urban stream ecology has been limited largely to urban areas in temperate climate zones in relatively wealthy countries (Walsh et al. 2005, Gao et al. 2013, Ramírez et al. 2014). This torso of work has identified many common effects of urbanization on lotic ecosystems, collectively termed the urban stream syndrome (Meyer et al. 2005). Withal, nosotros remain relatively ignorant of the furnishings of urbanization on the construction and function of and the ecosystem services provided by streams in impoverished urban regions of the globe. Many characteristics of the urban stream syndrome—flashier hydrographs, higher concentrations of nutrients and toxicants, contradistinct aqueduct morphology and stability, reduced species richness, and dominant tolerant species (Walsh et al. 2005)—as well are predicted to occur in urban streams in lower-income countries (Ramírez et al. 2014). Withal, differences in patterns and histories of economic evolution and urbanization may produce important contrasts in the expression of urban stream syndrome betwixt higher- and lower-income countries (Booth et. al 2016, Hale et al. 2016, Parr et al. 2016).

Urban streams provide valuable ecosystem services including estrus reduction, flood control, and recreational areas (Meyer et al. 2005). In lower-income countries, urban streams as well are used for minor or recreational fishing, sources of building materials (e.k., sand, gravel), and water for irrigation and household uses (Corcoran et al. 2010). Unplanned settlements characterized past substandard living weather condition (hereafter chosen slums) are common in all cities. However, slums are of special concern in cities undergoing rapid urbanization in lower-income economies, where they often are characterized by limited admission to drinking water and sewerage because rates of infrastructure development typically lag behind rates of urban expansion (Moe and Rheingans 2006, Corcoran et al. 2010). Therefore, upstream reaches of urban watersheds may function equally sources of h2o for household use (Fewtrell et al. 2005, Ali 2010), while downstream reaches collect and move remainder wastewater (Parkinson and Marking 2005). In regions where drinking-water shortages are common, urban streams accept the potential to provide an important culling source of water (Niemczynowicz 1999). Even so, projections for many watersheds indicate that major increases in industrial and sewage pollution will occur in the next few decades (Corcoran et al. 2010), and these increases will threaten the long-term sustainability of services provided by urban streams in lower-income countries.

The purpose of this BRIDGES article is to discuss patterns of urbanization and their furnishings on freshwater resources of lower-income countries (Tabular array 1; Globe Banking concern 2015). In particular, we will: 1) describe patterns in economic development and ecology degradation and pollution, ii) highlight particularities of urbanization and water resource, three) discuss some of the man-health risks associated with urban watersheds in lower-income countries, and 4) identify some challenges and opportunities working in urban streams in lower-income economies presents for freshwater scientists.

Table 1.

Income categories classified past the World Bank. Monetary units are in US$ (World Bank 2015).
Classification Examples Per capita gross national income
Low-income economies Bangladesh, Haiti, Tanzania ≤$1045
Lower-eye-income economies Indonesia, Nicaragua, India $1046–4125
Upper-heart-income economies Brazil, Communist china, United mexican states $4126–12,745

Economic evolution, environmental degradation, and pollutants in fresh waters

Many investigators have postulated that as an economy develops, environmental degradation initially increases and then decreases, such that the shape of the relationship between economic development and ecology degradation takes the form of an inverted U-shaped curve (i.e., the environmental Kuznets curve [EKC]; Grossman and Krueger 1991, 1995, Munasinghe 1999, Dinda 2004; Fig. one). Proponents maintain that the EKC trajectory is inevitable with increasing economic evolution, merely expectations of the EKC are based upon 3 primary assumptions that may not apply to environmental weather condition in urban watersheds.

Figure 1.
Figure 1.

Predicted relationships between environmental degradation and economic growth.

The 1st assumption is that all pollutants will respond similarly to economical development. Much of the original inquiry on the EKC was based on air pollutants (east.g., Ederington 2007, Stern 2007, Levinson 2009), but pollutants in aquatic systems may not behave similar air pollutants (Hettige et al. 1998, 2000, Dodds et al. 2013; Fig. 1). This departure might exist partially owing to environmental externalities—consequences of commercial activities that affect other parties and the environs, but are non reflected in the cost of production. Levinson (2008) found that pollutants with local furnishings (due east.g., fecal coliform, indoor air quality) began improving at lower incomes, whereas pollutants with widely dispersed effects (e.g., C emissions) tended to begin improving at higher incomes or did not decline with increasing economic evolution (e.g., Hettige et al. 1998; Fig. 1).

A 2nd supposition is that once improvement begins, the trajectory is reliable and comeback will continue. Yet, high gross national income may lead to increases in pollution associated with higher rates of resource consumption and subsequent waste product generation, thereby converting the U-shaped EKC to an N-shaped curve (Pointer et al. 1995, Dinda 2004; Fig. 1). Simultaneously, trade liberalization policies, characteristics of freshwater pollutants, and the higher consumption rates in wealthier countries may produce novel development and ecology deposition pathways in watersheds of lower-income countries (Vörösmarty et al. 2010, Dodds et al. 2013).

The EKC also is based on the assumption that increasing development and establishment of trade relationships volition convalesce poverty for increasing proportions of the population. Still, in exercise, development strategies and merchandise relationships in developing countries may exacerbate poverty-related pollution because they frequently are designed to increase the capital letter of the wealthy in a given economy and pb to increased economic disparity and larger percentages of people living in poverty (Tobey 1989, Beckerman 1992). In addition, the EKC does not business relationship for adoption of less stringent environmental standards to gain or preserve competitiveness for international business after the liberalization of trade. This practice may exacerbate environmental deposition (Daly 1993, Asici 2013).

A primary method used in college-income countries to reduce costs associated with evolution-related pollution and threats to water security has been to move certain industries (e.g., types of manufacturing) to lower-income countries that lack the environmental policies, political will, or infrastructure to regulate pollution (Stern et al. 1996, Ederington 2007). For example, Communist china has absorbed many industrial activities that threatened the quality of USA domestic freshwater resource (Liu and Diamond 2005). Similarly, researchers have questioned whether the Northward American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) transferred some of the USA's pollution burden to Mexico (Grossman and Krueger 1991, Ederington 2007). Subsequently NAFTA, lower environmental standards did result in increased concentrations of factories along the U.s.–Mexico border that have been linked to increased environmental impairment and health problems in Mexico (Asici 2013), but the net effects on pollution are in question (Domínguez-Villalobos and Dark-brown-Grossman 2007). Exporting pollution exterior national borders has been commonplace, simply such opportunities are becoming more limited. Few countries are willing to have new, pollution-intensive industries. Therefore, many lower-income countries supporting pollution-intensive industries are now forced to address environmental problems or live with the negative consequences of ecology deposition (Stern et al. 1996, Stern 2007).

Urbanization and h2o infrastructure in lower-income economies

Urbanization is occurring at much faster rates in lower-income than in higher-income countries (McMichael 2000). Grimm et al. (2008) argued that >95% of the net increase in global population volition be in cities in the developing earth. By 2030, ∼60% of the population of lower-income economies volition live in urban areas (Cohen 2006). Human migration to urban centers in lower-income economies is driven by industrialization, food insecurity in rural areas, refuge from political disharmonize or environmental harm, and opportunities for employment (McMichael 2000).

The resulting increased population densities may have big negative consequences for urban watersheds because cities in lower-income countries frequently lack appropriate infrastructure to convey sewage or drinking water (McMichael 2000). Though progress has been fabricated toward the United Nations (Un) Millennium Development Goals, 900 million people still live without access to safe drinking h2o and ii.6 billion do not have admission to basic sanitation (WHO/UNICEF 2010). The problem is especially astute in the poorest neighborhoods in urban centers in lower-income countries where people tend to take much less admission to bones services than in college-income countries (Cohen 2006). Existing water infrastructure in developing regions may exist crumbling, outdated, or inadequate, and challenged by insufficient funding, technology, and trained personnel to manage h2o and sewerage systems (Corcoran et al. 2010). In many slums, the lack of water and user-pay systems for communal toilets has driven people to extreme measures. For example, the term "flying toilet" was coined in the Kibera slums of Nairobi, Kenya, to draw the plastic bags used to dispose of human feces. The flying toilets are thrown onto roofs for disposal and pose serious risks to human being health, especially during the wet season when rainfall converts the waste product into contaminated runoff (Corcoran et al. 2010).

In the absence of adequate waste-management policies/infrastructure, people oftentimes come into contact with a broad variety of pollutants, including sewage, vectors of disease, and organic chemicals (Cohen 2006, Isunju et al. 2011), and ultimately, pollution loads from slums impair the structure and role of urban streams in the developing world (Kulabako et al. 2007, Nyenje et al. 2010, 2014, Isunju et al. 2011). Moreover, the charge per unit at which households are connected to sewerage systems typically exceeds the rate of construction of wastewater treatment facilities in the developing world (i.eastward., sewerage systems are not always connected to wastewater treatment facilities; McMichael 2000, Bouwman et al. 2005, Corcoran et al. 2010). Therefore, increased h2o infrastructure (i.east., sewerage) does not directly interpret into reductions of untreated sewage effluent flowing into urban watersheds.

Human health risks associated with urban watersheds in lower-income economies

Urban streams receive large quantities of wastewater delivered intentionally or inadvertently; the UN estimated that ∼ninety% of wastewater in developing countries is discharged directly into rivers without treatment (United nations-Water 2008). For instance, the fecal coliform count in the Yamuna River in New Delhi, India, was 3000× times higher downstream than upstream of the metropolis (Chaplin 1999, McMichael 2000). The pollution burden in the Yamuna too includes xx meg liters of industrial effluent discharged in the aforementioned stream reach (McMichael 2000). Nevertheless, New Delhi regularly faces water shortages, and untreated water from the Yamuna is used equally a source of h2o for urban residents (McMichael 2000).

The do of reuse of water exported from urban areas is a global phenomenon, especially in arid and h2o-stressed regions where the entire flow during the dry out flavour might be composed of wastewater returns (Raschid-Sally and Jayakody 2008). Reuse of untreated wastewater for irrigated agronomics creates another pathway by which humans tin be exposed to heavy metals, pesticides, and microbial contaminants through consumption of tainted vegetables and nutrient products (Raschid-Sally and Jayakody 2008, Corcoran et al. 2010).

Inadequate drinking water and sanitation infrastructure exacerbate health risks in urban centers. Urban residents tend to accept better access to water-related services than their rural counterparts, simply much of the population growth is in slums, where inhabitants are confronted with limited local water availability and high costs of h2o relative to income (Dill and Crow 2014). Collectively, water-, sanitation-, and hygiene-related diseases, including diarrhea, acquired 2 million deaths and 4 billion incidents of illness worldwide in 2012 (UNICEF/WHO 2012). Contaminated urban water is a major source of illness from bacterial and viral pathogens and musquito-borne illnesses (Monath 1994, Crump et al. 2004, Achee et al. 2015). For instance, retention of water on the landscape to mitigate flashy flows or to maintain flows during dry periods in more arid environments can take the unintended consequence of creating habitat for disease-transmitting mosquito populations (Angel and Joshi 2008, Irwin et al. 2008). Managers attempting to mitigate negative effects of the urban stream syndrome on ecosystem structure and office in lower-income countries also must consider the potential consequences of homo exposure to pollutants and pathogens.

Challenges to applying the urban stream syndrome to streams in lower-income countries

Climate is an of import driver of stream responses to urbanization because information technology regulates the hydrological regime, the volume of runoff, and the movement of contaminants into streams (Unhurt et al. 2016). Climates of lower-income countries span a wide range of conditions, thereby creating a broad range of scenarios as to how climate may influence stream responses to urbanization in the developing world. In arid environments (e.1000., The Arab Republic of Egypt, Mongolia), urban streams receive relatively little runoff. Thus, urban pollutants may have longer residence times, subjecting man populations to greater exposure to dangerous chemicals (Corcoran et al. 2010, Silva et al. 2011, Bayram et al. 2013). In contrast, wetter tropical and subtropical environments (e.g., Honduras, Thailand) might provide sufficient runoff to export pollutants downstream and away from resident human populations continuously. Given overall climate-change predictions of increased variability in rainfall for many tropical areas (Neelin et al. 2006), pollutant loads might vary greatly over a year for any item urban stream (e.g., Bayram et al. 2013). Scientists conducting research in urban systems across climate gradients in higher-income countries should apply their work to systems in lower-income countries. Partnerships between research institutions actively engaged in urban ecology research and international-assist groups, such as United nations-Water, may prove to exist an effective way to gain a better understanding of the threats to urban watersheds and to quantify the disquisitional services they provide to marginalized human populations.

The metrics currently used to quantify urbanization and the subsequent changes in ecosystem services provided by urban watersheds generate boosted complication in applying the urban stream syndrome globally. In the developing world, particular challenges include: one) appropriately defining urban areas, 2) accurately predicting urban population growth, and 3) defining globally applicable metrics to measure the furnishings of urbanization on watersheds. Authentic population estimates can be exceptionally difficult to obtain for many urban centers in lower-income economies. Despite global increases in urbanization rates, the definition of what constitutes an urban expanse is highly mutable (Frey and Zimmer 2001). Depending on the metric used—such equally population size, population density, or administrative criteria (east.g., nonagricultural employment; Biswas 2006)—the size of an city can vary widely from land to country. For example, in Ethiopia an urban middle contains >2000 people, whereas areas in Republic of benin must have >x,000 occupants to exist classified as urban (Cohen 2006). Country-specific definitions for urban areas also influence the ability to predict growth in urban centers. Land size, level of economic development, and geographic region all influence the accuracy of United nations urban-growth projections in a given country (Cohen 2006). Creating appropriate metrics to mensurate the ecology effects of urbanization can be challenging. For example, total impervious surface coverage (ISC; e.grand., roads, rooftops, parking lots) is often used equally a metric that relates the effects of urbanization with the construction and function of lotic ecosystems (e.1000., Wenger et al. 2008). However, ISC strongly depends on development status and total area in a given country. Countries with loftier ISC typically are higher income and larger in expanse or total population than countries with lower ISC (Elvidge et al. 2007). In developing countries, total imperviousness might non be as high relative to urban population growth in developed countries, specially in unplanned settlements where water infrastructure and paved roads are limited and where the need to grow food may raise vegetative and soil cover relative to in college-income areas (Biggs et al. 2010). Therefore, to measure the effects of urbanization on the structure and office of stream ecosystems in lower-income economies effectively, scientists, resource managers, and policy-makers must standardize the classification of urbanization, obtain the data needed to make consistent projections of urban growth throughout the globe, and define metrics that can be used to estimate development and ecology effects in lower-income urban centers.

Toward meliorate direction of urban streams in developing regions

More than 3.4 billion people worldwide are living with intense threats to h2o security, including many residents of Cathay, India, and Mexico and large regions of Africa, Asia, and Southward America (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). Investments in engineering or infrastructure tin mitigate water-security issues (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). Higher-income countries may be able to avoid the loss of some ecosystem services provided by urban watersheds through increased financial investments (eastward.g., for water filtration). In contrast, lower-income economies may non exist buffered confronting major threats to water security because they cannot use expensive infrastructure and technology to alleviate environmental problems (Vörösmarty et al. 2010).

Insufficient h2o infrastructure has directly, negative economic effects (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). Lack of access to safe drinking water and sanitation can price a country between 1 and 7% of their gross domestic product (UN-Water 2012). In about developing countries, drinking h2o and sanitation are managed in a decentralized manner at the local level (Un-Water 2012). When implemented effectively, decentralized systems might exist the most practical and affordable option for many lower-income economies (WHO 2005) considering they offer increased chapters to adapt to current demand when compared to finish-of-pipage centralized handling facilities requiring large upfront investments of capital letter (Ashley and Cashman 2006).

Funding infrastructure initiatives must take into business relationship local environmental and social weather condition to promote sustainable urban evolution and to limit negative effects on urban streams. In many developing countries, most of the funding (in some cases, up to 90%) used to support increased sanitation comes from governments of college-income countries or international organizations, such equally the World Depository financial institution (United nations-Water 2012). Approximately 70% of the total funds allocated are directed to addressing sanitation challenges in urban areas (Un-Water 2012). By working together, international funding agencies and the governments of lower-income economies may be able to use existing data and fiscal resources to develop strong policy guidelines. Research programs in which freshwater scientists, political scientists, urban planners, engineers, and development agencies work together to examine the influence of governance on the quality of services provided past urban watersheds may show especially fruitful.

The need is smashing to build local, homo resources past increasing opportunities for training and formal education in aquatic ecology, hydrology, and engineering in the developing world. In many, if not most, low-income countries, high-level research questions that have been identified by leading experts in urban stream ecology would be exceptionally challenging to answer (e.g., Wenger et al. 2009). The dearth of available data and, in many cases, a lack of the physical or human resources needed to comport the research return many fields of research untenable. Moreover, we argue that freshwater ecologists need to examine interactions among economical development, urbanization, and pollution of freshwater resources to inform management strategies at local, regional, and national scales in the developing world.

Successful management of urban watersheds requires integration of innovative technological approaches and ecosystem-based management into development and maintenance of wastewater and drinking-h2o infrastructure. This ubiquitous ecology trouble challenges us to develop new and to raise existing uses for sewage and other wastewater. We echo the sentiments of Vörösmarty et al. (2010) and Dodds et al. (2013) and affirm that if we are going to protect global freshwater resources and ensure the provisioning of freshwater ecosystem services, more than research is needed to sympathise the effects of anthropogenic stressors on fresh waters in lower-income countries. Sustainable management of urban watersheds necessitates the cosmos of innovative financing schemes that support economical development through job training, development of new industries, and cosmos of interdisciplinary research teams addressing stakeholder-driven research questions.

We give thanks the other organizers of and participants in the 3rd Symposium on Urbanization and Stream Ecology (SUSE3) who inspired this work. SUSE3 was funded, in part, by the National Science Foundation (DEB 1427007). Our paper was enhanced past comments from Associate Editor Ashley Moerke, Seth Wenger, Editor Pamela Silverish, and two anonymous referees. Whatever employ of trade, firm, or product names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the The states Government.

Notes

*. BRIDGES is a recurring feature of FWS intended to provide a forum for the interchange of ideas and information relevant to FWS readers, but beyond the usual scope of a scientific paper. Manufactures in this serial volition bridge from aquatic ecology to other disciplines, due east.m., political science, economics, education, chemical science, or other biological sciences. Papers may be complementary or take culling viewpoints. Authors with ideas for topics should contact BRIDGES Co-Editors, Allison Roy ([email protected]) and Emerge Entrekin ([email protected]).

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Source: https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/684945